Week Three
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As we saw in this week’s lecture, the electoral geography of the U.S. was relatively stable from the Civil War until the 1930s (and to some extent until the 1950s), with the Northeast and Pacific coast generally aligning with the Republicans and the Southeast with the Democrats, while the “middle band” in the eastern half of the country (typified by Ohio) acted as perennial swing states and the interior West (Great Plains and Rockies) periodically switched allegiance in a wholesale manner. In 2000 and 2004, at the state level, the same general geographical pattern held, but with the parties reversed. In the current election, it looks as if the Pacific Coast and Northeast will hold solid for the Democrats, while a number of interior western states might swing in the same direction. As a result, several Democratic Party strategists now argue that the Republican Party may be in the process of restricting itself to its southern base. On the county level, however, the geographical split is not so clear-cut: under the old regime, virtually every county in Michigan voted Republican; now most Michigan countries still vote Republican, but the state as a whole is in the Democratic camp.
But why has such a state-level geographical reversal occurred? Is it mostly because the two parties have changed, or it more a factor of the regions themselves changing?
Although it is a moot exercise, I often wonder what prominent figures of the past would make of today’s political landscape. William Jennings Bryan would would no doubt find the Republican Party’s cultural stance appealing, but he would probably be horrified by its economic and foreign policies. T. Roosevelt would probably cheer on John McCain’s foreign policies, but he would likely be horrified by Sarah Palin’s brand of cultural politics. Grover Cleveland, on the other hand, might well be a Ron Paul supporter. I think the general response, however, would be one of perplexity.

